Monday, February 28, 2011

Native American watercolors

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The Robert D. Farber University Archives & Special Collections Department at Brandeis houses thirty-eight original watercolor paintings by several well-known Native American artists from the San Ildefonso Pueblo just north of Santa Fe, New Mexico. Brandeis acquired these paintings along with other unique Tibetan and Indian artworks in June, 1971, when the Riverside Museum of New York City closed. The museum, which opened in 1922 on Riverside Drive, concentrated on ethnographic and contemporary art and served as a “pioneer in the cultural life of New York.”1 It held yearly exhibitions of women’s work, featured poetry readings, music concerts, and lectures, and sponsored drama scholarships for young students. The growth of larger art museums in the area and waning neighborhood participation led to the trustees’ decision to close the museum in 1971.(2)

In looking for a new home for its collections, Riverside Museum trustees believed Brandeis University to be ideally suited because of its “academic excellence, adventurous spirit, and the added advantage of the facility and staff of the Rose Art Museum.”3 About ten years ago, the Rose Art Museum transferred the watercolor paintings to Special Collections.

Many of the paintings in the collection reflect the themes encouraged by Euro-American patrons who invested resources to uncover artifacts and preserve Pueblo culture in the early decades of the twentieth century. As such, several of the watercolors depict festivals, scenes of everyday life, and ceremonial dances, including “Winter Animal Dance,” by Julian Martinez (1897-1943), and “Basket Dance,” by Romando Vigil (1902-1978).In addition to his watercolors, Martinez is well known for his pottery decorations. After a 1908 excavation of San Ildefonso uncovered several pieces of ancient pottery, Martinez (who also goes by the name Pacano) and his wife, Maria, used polychrome and experimented with different firing techniques to reproduce the original vessels. The result of their efforts produced the black-on-black pottery for which San Ildefonso is famous.(4)

In addition to several paintings by Martinez, the collection also includes works by other successful Pueblo artists, including Alfonso Roybal (1898-1955), Abel Sanchez (1899-1971), and Romando Vigil (1902-1978). Roybal, who signs his paintings “Awa Tsireh,” began his career decorating pottery before developing his talent in watercolor. After seeing some of Roybal’s work, Dr. Edgar Hewitt, the anthropologist in charge of the early-twentieth-century San Ildefonso excavation, hired him to paint at the Museum of New Mexico, which led to the inclusion of his work in several other Indian art exhibitions around the country.(5)

Abel Sanchez, also known as “Oqwa Pi,” which means “Red Cloud,” developed one of the two distinctive artistic styles associated with the San Ildefonso School. In his paintings of native ceremonies and festivals, Sanchez used bright and vibrant colors, which other San Ildefonso artists later adopted. In addition to a long and successful artistic career, Sanchez enjoyed success in public office, serving six terms as governor of the San Ildefonso Pueblo.6
Romando Vigil similarly contributed to the development of the San Ildefonso School of art by combining the decorative style of painters like Sanchez and Martinez with one that emphasized realism. As a result, Vigil’s paintings are both abstract and descriptive of Pueblo culture. In 1933, the Corcoran Gallery in Washington, D.C., hired Vigil, who is also known as “Tse Ye Mu,” along with several other San Ildefonso artists to paint murals for the Exposition of Indian Tribal Arts. Later in his life, Vigil worked for Walt Disney Studios in California.(7)

The thirty-six paintings in the Native American watercolor collection range in size from 6 x 7 to 24 x 36 inches. Several are matted and framed. For more information about the collection, please visit the finding aid, where digital images of the watercolors are available.


Notes:
1. “Brandeis Acquires Entire New York Museum Collection,” Brandeis University Bulletin 40:2 (June 1971), 2.
2. Sanka Knox, “Brandeis Merger is Set for Riverside Museum,” The New York Times (June 17, 1971), 48.
3. “Brandeis Acquires Entire New York Museum Collection,” Brandeis University Bulletin, 2.
4. LouAnn Faris Culley, “Martínez, Julián,” in Carole A. Barnett, et al., eds., American Indian Biographies (Pasadena, CA: Salem Press, 2005), 303-304.
5. Molly H. Mullin, “Awa Tsireh,” in American Indian Biographies, 20.
6. “Oqwa Pi.” St. James Guide to Native North American Artists. Gale, 1998. Web. Gale Biography in Context. Accessed February 25, 2011.
7. “Romando Vigil.” St. James Guide to Native North American Artists. Gale, 1998. Web. Gale Biography in Context. Accessed February 25, 2011.

Description by Alex Wagner Lough, Archives & Special Collections Assistant and PhD candidate in History

Monday, January 31, 2011

The Man Who Would Not Be Vice President: The Daniel Webster Collection

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The Robert D. Farber University Archives & Special Collections Department holds eleven manuscript boxes of the correspondence of famed American senator Daniel Webster. The letters, highly legible with clear script, provide an insightful behind-the-scenes look at dealings of nineteenth-century American politics. Daniel Webster was born in Salisbury, New Hampshire, on January 18, 1782, just a few months shy of the American Revolution’s Battle of Yorktown. He would go on to become one of the most well-known and esteemed politicians and lawyers of the nineteenth century. Webster represents a generation of Americans who grew up in the recently independent United States, came of age well after the Revolution, and sought to live up to the image of the Founding Fathers. He would celebrate his second birthday four months after the 1783 Peace of Paris officially ended the war, but his later diplomatic work would come to finalize this treaty.

Educated at Dartmouth College, Webster developed a skill for oratory, a Federalist political persuasion, and a continued exaltation for the memory of George Washington as a “political saviour.”1 After graduation he began his study of the law, first under Thomas W. Thompson and then later Christopher Gore—the first United States attorney and future governor of Massachusetts (whose estate is located less than three miles from Brandeis University)—before being admitted to the bar in 1805. Webster became a prominent attorney, arguing over two hundred cases before the United States Supreme Court alone—including his notable victories in Dartmouth v. Woodward and McCulloch v. Maryland. In politics, Webster held three separate elected positions in the Congress; his time in Washington continued to reflect his Federalist ideals and gift for public speaking. He served in the House as the Representative for New Hampshire (1813-1817) and Massachusetts (1823-1827). Following his time there, Webster was then elected as a senator for Massachusetts and served on two separate occasions (1827-1841 and 1845-1850). In 1841, Webster was appointed Secretary of State by President William Henry Harrison, partly as a reward for the support provided by Massachusetts during the campaign and election.2

The bulk of Brandeis University’s Daniel Webster collection consists of correspondence composed and received during his time in the Cabinet, much of which is not available in published form. The vast majority of Webster’s correspondence deals with appointments for both domestic and international offices—ranging from the marshalship for the middle district of Tennessee to the consulate of Amsterdam. Naturally, the correspondence represents a transitional period between presidencies.

Three types of correspondence dominate the collection: letters of recommendation from third parties extol the virtues of prospective government employees; handwritten applications in essay format allow statements of personal credentials; and the currently-employed penned notes seeking to retain their jobs.3 The collection reveals a great deal of action surrounding the application process, particularly for the consulate of Buenos Aires. While most applicants opted for letters of recommendation, William Bennett Parker, a former record keeper for the Bank of the United States, eagerly applied directly to Webster six times (the first two letters sent barely a day apart) for the position, citing among his desirable skills the ability “to read with facility Don Quixote in the original.”4

The genre of these letters is particularly interesting, as the Whig Party had promised to abandon the “spoils system” of the Jacksonian Era in favor of advancement by merit alone. William Parker, the avid petitioner and Democrat, wrote that “The truth is that no honest man could obtain any office under the two last Administrations, unless he was, also, a violent political partisan.”5 However, Webster’s correspondence illustrates that “the Whig ascendancy did not mean the end of the patronage system.”6 Letter after letter recommends various individuals for posts within the U.S. government around the world. Yet some stand out more than others as potential examples of patronage. During his early days as Secretary of State, Webster managed to clear a large portion of his debt of over one hundred thousand dollars, due in part to the fact that he “sold diplomatic appointments.”7

Though not unqualified, Washington Irving, the author of “The Legend of Sleepy Hollow,” was made minister to Spain in exchange for a forgiveness of a debt on mortgaged property.8 Irving in turn would use his influence to recommend others for diplomatic posts.9 Irving described Thomas B. Adain, a prospective diplomat, as “a worthy man, well acquainted with commercial affairs” in his relatively vague recommendation for the position of consul to Belfast, Ireland.10 In addition, political ally Congressman Robert C. Winthrop, the future Speaker of the House of Representatives, urged Webster to grant Edward Everett, the former Massachusetts governor, a diplomatic commission as “there is no man in a condition to take a foreign mission at this moment, who would do greater credit to his Country at any Court.”11 The part such a recommendation played is debatable, but, combined with Everett’s previous fund raising for Webster’s campaigns, it was more than enough to secure him the ambassadorship to Great Britain.12

After President William Henry Harrison died one month into his term, Webster held the auspicious title of being the secretary of state under the shortest presidential administration in American history. In addition, he has the even more dubious distinction of turning down the office of vice president under Harrison, who was the first president to die in office, because he viewed it as beneath him.13 As an ironic conciliatory prize, Webster served as “acting President” for two days until Vice President John Tyler arrived in Washington, D.C., to assume the position from the fallen Harrison.14 Webster retained his post under Tyler until he resigned in1843. The culmination of his efforts in the State Department reached its pinnacle with the 1842 Webster-Ashburton Treaty, which eased decades of hostility with Great Britain by finally formalizing the United States’ northern border with British-ruled Canada.15 Thus with the help of Ambassador Everett, Webster was able to bring to a conclusion one of the last unresolved measures of the American Revolution—ending a border dispute that had existed since the 1783 Peace of Paris.16 In so doing, Webster used nineteenth-century international diplomacy to carve out his own place in American Revolutionary history. Overall, the Robert D. Farber University Archives & Special Collections’ Daniel Webster collection provides access to more private aspects of the United States’ diplomatic history and appointments during the nineteenth century.


The online finding aid to the Daniel Webster Collection is available here.

Notes:
1. Robert V. Remini. Daniel Webster: The Man and His Time. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1997, p. 52.
2. Remini, p. 502.
3. Robert Treat Paine to Daniel Webster, 19 Feb. 1841; Henry Wheaton to Daniel Webster, 25 Nov. 1840.
4. Enoch Train to Daniel Webster, 8 Feb. 1841; Josiah W. Blake to Daniel Webster, 11 Feb. 1841; Henry Edwards, 24 Mar. 1841; William Bennett Parker to Daniel Webster, 12 Mar. 1841; 13 Mar. 1841; 10 June 1841; 1 Dec. 1841; 23 Apr. 1842; 11 Jul. 1842.
5. William Bennett Parker to Daniel Webster, 12 Mar. 1841.
6. Kenneth E. Shewmaker, ed. The Papers of Daniel Webster: Diplomatic Papers, Volume 1, 1841-1843. Hanover: Dartmouth College by the University Press of New England, 1983, p. 7.
7. Remini, p. 513.
8. Shewmaker, p. 7; Remini, p. 513.
9. Washington Irving to Daniel Webster. 3 Jul. 1841; Washington Irving to Daniel Webster. 25 Oct. 1841.
10. Washington Irving to Daniel Webster. 25 Oct. 1841.
11. Robert C. Winthrop to Daniel Webster, 24 Mar. 1841.
12. Shewmaker, p. 7; Remini, p. 520.
13. Remini, p. 480.
14. Remini, p. 522.
15. “The Webster-Ashburton Treaty,” in Howard Jones, To the Webster-Ashburton Treaty: A Study in Anglo-American Relations, 1783-1843. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1977.
16. Jones, p. 118-160.

description by Craig Bruce Smith, Archives & Special Collections Assistant and PhD candidate in History

Thursday, December 30, 2010

Spitzer family papers

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A recent donation to Brandeis Special Collections, the Spitzer family papers tell the story of a Czechoslovak Jewish family throughout much of the last century. At four linear feet, this is a small but powerful collection, providing a rich history of the lives of the Spitzers before, during, and after World War II. Mostly written in Czech and German (the family having spent a great deal of time in Franzensbad, a predominantly German-speaking town in Czechoslovakia), the papers date from the last decades of the nineteenth century through the late 1970s.

The collection was compiled by Bruno Spitzer, its main actor and the only member of the family to have escaped Czechoslovakia prior to the German invasion. While most of the Spitzer family perished in the Holocaust, Bruno (an active and well-known political lawyer in Czechoslovakia) and his wife, Draga, came to the United States in 1939. Upon arriving in Massachusetts, Bruno worked as a laborer in a furniture factory, and Draga worked first with National Research in Cambridge and later as a librarian at Harvard’s Peabody Museum. They lived for 21 years in Lynn, moved to Austria for a brief time, and returned to the United States to settle in Brookline.

The collection includes a portfolio of Rabbi David Spitzer’s letters, papers, and books (including a copy of the rare Menorat ha-Maor by fourteenth-century scholar Isaac Aboab), dating back to the nineteenth century. Father to Bruno and Harry, Rabbi Spitzer was born in Vienna and spent much of his life in Prague.

A large and remarkable section of the collection includes hundreds of photographs of the Spitzer family, dating from the 1920s through the 1970s. These photos, a great many of which were taken in Franzensbad in the interwar period, draw a stunning and intimate portrait of a happy family just before the sky of war fell.

The life of Bruno and Draga (who, though rarely separated, wrote prolifically when apart) in both Europe and America is well documented through their letters to each other as well as through their correspondence with friends and family back in Europe, before, during, and after the war. Also included is their correspondence with and other documents regarding the T.G. Masaryk Circle, an association of Czechoslovak citizens residing in Boston, with which the Spitzers were quite involved.

Perhaps the most gripping materials in the collection are contained in a folder entitled “Harry Affidavit.” These papers document Bruno and Draga’s herculean efforts to get Harry Spitzer (Bruno’s younger brother) out of Czechoslovakia after the war. Among the documentation are several letters and telegrams from Harry, who had been interned in Theresienstadt with his father and stepmother (his father died there) before being transferred to Auschwitz, where his stepmother, Dora (Schwartz) Spitzerova, died and from where he was eventually liberated. Included as well is Harry’s harrowing account of his time in the camps and of his parents’ deaths. Bruno and Draga were successful in their efforts to bring Harry to the United States, and it is in fact Harry’s daughter who donated this collection to Brandeis.

description by Surella Evanor Seelig, Archives & Special Collections Assistant and PhD candidate in History

Monday, November 29, 2010

The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye and the Kelmscott Press

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One of the most beautiful books Brandeis owns is the Kelmscott Press edition of The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye (Rare -- Versh PQ1570.A7 E5 1892) by Raoul Le Fèvre, a generous gift from Arthur Vershbow. When William Caxton first printed the Recuyell in Bruges in 1473-1474 it became the world’s first printed English book. William Morris’s decision to bring it out in the second year of the Kelmscott Press—and the way that he and his team produced the book that now sits in the Brandeis Special Collections Department—makes a remarkable story.

It sheds light not only on the Arts and Crafts movement that he spearheaded, but also on the entire history of modern bookmaking, which was born with one eye on history, and the other glued to the latest technology. In Morris’s case, that technology happened to be the magic lantern, which now strikes us as little more than a quaint device used for making shaky illusions in the pre-film era. But when we see the uses to which Morris put that lantern, the double-faced nature of the Kelmscott project, hyperantiquarian and hypermodern both, becomes crystal clear. No wonder that Morris’s daughter May early on dubbed the Kelmscott Press a “new-old industry.”

I recently passed a downtown row house with an impressive historical marker, oval, dark brown and authoritative. My history-obsessed daughter halted us and together we solemnly read out, “On this spot, March 1, 1879, absolutely nothing happened.” Even in the most eventful life, most days are like that. The story of this spectacular book, though, begins on a day when something undeniably did happen. On November 15, 1888, William Morris went to a slide lecture by the skilled typographer Emery Walker at the Arts and Crafts Society. That night changed his life, and the course of the modern book arts. It was that night that he saw a series of brilliantly colored magic-lantern slides of photographs of illuminated books, projected through one of the newly powerful (likely German-made) gas lanterns that were soon to revolutionize as well the study of art history. It was not the pages themselves (many of the slides were in fact made from books that Morris himself had given to Walker) but seeing how well these modern enlargements and illuminations conveyed the beauty of the originals that decided Morris. He would, after all, make the effort that he had since his college days considered and rejected countless times. The following morning he went to visit Walker and the provisional plans for the Press were drawn up; less than three years later, in January, 1891, the first book was made, a copy of Morris’s own medieval-inspired romance, The Story of the Glittering Plain (which Bostonians are free to examine at Harvard’s Houghton library).

William Morris, writer, designer, socialist, and founder of the Arts and Crafts movement, is the most talented and influential of those exceptional artistic polymaths who flourished in the age of Darwin. Like Darwin, or like George Eliot or Herman Melville, there was little he was not interested in; unlike those other greats of his day, there was also almost nothing he did not turn his hand to. Stained-glass (visit the Trinity Church in Boston to see a fine local example), house design, furniture, fabrics (check your uncle’s tie collection), and wallpapers (inspiring this brilliant 21st century response) are only a few of the “lesser arts” that he turned his hand to. Morris has been called (by Frank Lloyd Wright, Roger Fry, Nicholas Pevsner, and others who should know) the father of modern design.

Although his designs, in books, houses, fabrics, and glass, went on to become the basis of Modern design, and perhaps one of the key bases of Modernist art generally, he was history-obsessed in a way that few who followed him were (compare for example this gorgeous Doves press book, spare and almost obsessively typography focused, to the ornate illuminations of the Kelmscott books below). Morris looked backward to medieval and early modern workers for inspiration, not because they were made authoritative by the gap of centuries that yawned between, but because their struggles with their medium impressed him, as an artist, as the finest kind of aesthetic effort. His credo: “Have around you nothing that you do not know to be useful or believe to be beautiful” remains an inspiration to those who decorate or ornament their living spaces—but still more perhaps a guide to those who make those things. Morris always thought about producers and consumers, the makers and the deployers as partners in the process of making an entire beautiful life.

He was also the de facto leader of English socialism during the unhappy late 1880s, when a string of disappointments, internal divisions, and brutal government clampdowns (including one in Trafalgar Square that was the original Bloody Sunday) left the hopes of the radical left near total extinction. In the darkest days Morris published, in his remarkable socialist magazine Commonweal, a utopian novel, News From Nowhere. This was a blistering rebuttal of (Boston’s own) utopian capitalist novel, Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward. In the century since, writers from Zamyatin (We) to Orwell—as well as a wide range of Labor and radical politicians worldwide—have been stimulated, irked, and inspired by Morris in their darkest hours; the Kelmscott Press frontispiece of News from Nowhere has been reproduced countless times.

Morris, though, never defined himself solely as a socialist. Even in the days of his most fervent lecturing and organizing for the party he brought with him magic-lantern slides of cathedrals and unfinished manuscripts of epic poems (he liked to compose hexameter verse while weaving). Moreover, the grim news of the late 1880s turned him away from outright activism. By the late 1880s he was on his way to becoming something a lot more interesting than a card-carrying member: he left party politics, but without ever giving up on his ideals, or his efforts. The result was something rich and strange, but with the determination to make of it something very different from the main currents of his day. Morris’s formative encounter with John Ruskin’s 1853 “The Nature of the Gothic” (he was later to republish it in a memorable Kelmscott Press edition) had persuaded him to look back to the creative efforts of medieval workers for inspiration.

And so we come back to the choice that Morris made, a year into Kelmscott production, to reprint Caxton’s Recuyelle. Morris saw genius in the way that medieval workers had devoted themselves to expressing their individual insights in a durable medium that spoke to the hopes, fears, and desires of all.

Morris was not merely parroting Ruskin, nor was he, as unsympathetic critics have sometimes alleged, merely a servile imitator of the past, a sterile antiquarian who loved the Middle Ages as a refuge from the present. In fact, his reasons for admiring medieval work had everything to do with Kelmscott’s curious double identity as half antiquarian, half radically new. He praised medieval art for its doubleness always. In fact, medieval books struck him as differing radically from their modern successors, being at once visually compelling (what he called “ornamental”) and narratively absorbing (“epical”).

All organic art, all art that is genuinely growing, opposed to rhetorical, retrospective, or academical art, art which has no real growth in it, has two qualities in common: the epical and the ornamental; its two functions are the telling of a story and the adornment of a space or tangible object.

In fact it was Morris’s infatuation with medieval bookmakers like Caxton that inspired him, after Emery Walker had opened his eyes in November 1888, to found Kelmscott Press itself. The Press was Morris’s effort, in collaboration with artists of all aspects of bookmaking, to find in the early days of printed books inspiration for a thoroughly modern kind of beautiful object.

Although this is not the place to reconstruct the entire history of the early Kelmscott experimentation, it is worth noting that the creative process was a remarkable one for several reasons. No one before Walker and Morris had ever used magic-lantern slides of letters, blown up enormously as a template. And no one had ever before done what came next either. As Morris’s daughter May reports it:

Mr. Walker got his people to photograph upon an enlarged scale some pages from Aretino’s “Historia fiorentina” printed in Venice by Jacques le Rouge in 1476 and pages of all the more important fifteenth century Roman types. These enlargements enabled Father to study the proportions and peculiarities of the letters. Having thoroughly absorbed these, so to speak, he started designing his own type on this big scale. When done, each letter was photographed down to the size the type was to be ….. My father used to go about with matchboxes containing these “smokes” of the type in his pockets, and sometimes as he sat and talked with us, he would draw one out, and thoughtfully eye the small scraps of paper inside. (May Morris, “Introduction” to William Morris, The Collected Works of William Morris, vol. 15, The Roots of the Mountains, London: Longman, 1912), xv-xvi, xxii-iii)

The book Brandeis now happily owns, The Recuyelle of Troye, is a crucial transition for the Kelmscott Press. The typeface experiments that May Morris describes led to the first type set Morris made, the Golden font. Though beautiful in its own right, Golden in some ways suffers from the laborious process of magnification, comparison, and inspiration that went into its making. It suffers principally because although Morris took as his model Italian types, in his heart he was more drawn to the German (or Gothic, or black-letter, the name deriving from their thickness and blackness on the page) types. Though strangely beautiful, Golden is an odd in-between, a halfway house of a font.

With The Recuyelle from Troye in 1892 (about the sixth book Kelmscott produced), Morris turned for the first time wholeheartedly to Gothic antecedents. The result was two separate typefaces, both seen in this book for the first time: the Troy and the Chaucer. One was an 18-point type that produces the remarkably vivid pages that you see reproduced here. And the other was a 12-point version, which is used here for the index and table of contents. This would later become the central font for the acknowledged masterwork of the Kelmscott press, the book known as The Kelmscott Chaucer.

I stress that what you see is only a reproduction, brought to half-life on your screen, because Morris himself was so insistent on the requirement that readers encounter any book as a discrete art object in its own right. A book is not a mere carrier of text, he stressed, nor an accidental vehicle in which you can find your favorite stories—and perhaps some illustrations alongside. Look at a book in that dismembered way—and this applies equally to fetishists who only consider typefaces and paper, ignoring the story that the book tells—and you miss a crucial dimension that adds depth to an otherwise flat artwork. Care merely for text (or merely for book as thing), and you are walking around one-eyed in a wonderfully three-dimensional world.

This was the credo that he and Walker shared throughout their collaboration—and it explains why pages of his letter and writings are filled with musings on the correct ratio of white space to text on the page (high!) on the ratio between inner and outer, upper and lower margins (the lower margin must be the largest), and on the darkness of ink (as black as possible). A credo that, taken seriously, will send anyone intrigued by these reproductions down to the Special Collections Department located on the second floor of the Brandeis main library to examine the book itself.

description by John Plotz, Professor of English